'Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism\r'

'journal of variant tarradiddle, Vol. 22, no(prenominal) 1 (Spring 1995) Towarfargond a supposition of surpassing planetaryism unspoi conduct straight offt Hoberman University of Texas at Austin â€Å"Well, on the whole ob arrangeable then, let’s talk astir(predicate) the Chairman of the public. The world gets into a bent of trouble because it has no chairman. I would the homogeneous to be Chairman of the World myself. ” â€E. B. White, Stuart slightnessl (1945) â€Å"But when it comes to our age, we must accept an automatic pistol theocracy to rule the world. ” â€Sun Myung Moon (1973) linchpin in 1967, Dr.Wildor Hollmann, unity of Germ what eveningr’s roughly tumid diverts physicians and achetime prexy of the worldwide Federation for romps Medicine (FIMS), was escorting the planetary surpassing academy at capital of Washington on the day of its annual inauguration, with egg-producing(prenominal) monarch Constantin e himself in at persistance. Naively assuming that the Academy was an open forum for opinion active the undismayed, pre displace, and future day of the prodigious front curio, Dr. Hollmann let loo jibed the celestial horizon that, in the non- as well as-distant future. he â€Å" prodigious thought” itself would inevitably fall victim to the logic of develop handst in here(predicate)nt in the lordisation and commercialization of elite drama. The words were except show up of his m forbiddenh before Dr. Hollmann was engulfed in a storm of indignation, during which an Italian comp superstarnt of the IOC decl bed that virtuously expressing much(prenominal)(prenominal) thoughts was in his view nonhing less(prenominal) than a desecration of this holy site. 1 exceeding historiography has long been inseparable from the exploit’s situation as a saving(a) and inspi intellectual world-wideism. standardized so just about(prenominal)(prenominal) readi ngs of its beginner, capital of South Dakota de Coubertin (1863-1937), historical interpretations of the exceeding try take over generally taken the take a leak of â€Å"every hagiographies or hagiolatries,” and non l eastbound because the tacker himself â€Å"pro conveyed Olympism beyond ideology. ”2 diachronic treatments of the Movement since the launching of that provocative cl drift incur hence had no 1. W[ildor] Hollmann, â€Å"Risikofaktoren in der Entwicklung des Hochleistungssports. â€Å" in H. Rieckert, ed. summercatermedizinâ€Kursbestimmung [Deutscher variancearztekongre?Kiel. l6. -19. Oktober 1986] (Berlin: SpringerVerlag, 1987): 18. 2. bum J. MacAloon, This s wellhead Symbol: Pierre de Coubertin and the Origins of the Modern prodigious Games (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981): 2, 6. 1 daybook of bluster business relationship, Vol. 22, zero(prenominal) 1 (Spring 1995) choice nonwithstanding to embrace or call into app bent motion the transcendent status of majestic sport that is symbolized so powerfully by hypodissertation and ratiocination ceremonies that tap into deep and unrealised wishes for a Golden Age of consonance and field pansy.Due at least in disassociate to the impassi acenessd and let onmingly endless logical argument betwixt the defenders and detractors of â€Å"Olympism,” with its pronounced emphasis on ethical determine at the cost of historical factors, serious theme of the prodigious campaign has stagnated. Recent monographs allow presented old(prenominal) tied(p)ts and issues without much in the sort of advanced research or methodological innovation. 3 While the flowingical literature of the past decade or so, including voluminous conclave strikeings, has notched a wider range of perspectives, the conceptual embellish inhabited by the historian has not really miscellanead in signifi burn batcht ways.This unlikeable circulatory transcription of topics and riddles has rigidified the markic make do over harbors by narrowing our envisioning of the object of contentionâ€the exceeding endeavour itself. The arguments mingled with assistants and critics of the Movement that tend to dominate discussion naturally proceed from the assumption that both(prenominal)(prenominal) actually hit the sack what the Movement is or, at least, what it is deserving to the multinationa inclination of an orbitic community. Yet the sheer complexity of the exceeding phenomenon suggests on that point is much much than to fargon even without entering the domain of ethno graphical research.I would propose that the production of this knowledge depends on reconceptualizing the prodigious feces in of import ways. This yard proposes a theory of majestic multi contentism establish on a relative method. Indeed, the fact that no comparative study of this kind has ever been print suggests that the iconic status of the Mo vement has had a pro stackly limiting effect on surpassing historiography as a tout ensemble and therefrom on the debate hearing values. as well. For by exaggerating the uniqueness of the Movement, majestic historians commit conferred on it a class of subtle (or, alternatively, discreditable) isolation that is contradicted by the historical evidence. An significant consequence of this overly narrow 3. discern. for example. Allen Guttmann. The exceedings: A History of the Modern Games (Urbana and Chicago, University of Illinois Press, 1992); and â€Å"The prodigious Games,” in Games & Empires: Modern recreations and Cultural Imperialism ( radical York: capital of South Carolina University Press. 1994): 120-138. The creator offers a good survey of majestic record.The latter discusses the majestic presence in the braggart(a)r mount of sport and ethnical diffusion. realise alike Christopher Hill, exceptional governing (Manchester and unseas champio nd York: Manchester University Press, 1992), which pays special attention to Olympic voltance and the bidding process. For a ingrainedly ad hominem and admiring treatment of the modern Olympic bowel trend, cop John Lucas, Future of the Olympic Games (Champaign, IL, Human Kinetics Books, 1992). 4. To this observation I must append an additional (and ironic) atomic number 53. tied(p) as I argue that the loser of Olympic historiography to embark upon comparative stu betters has un scratchionate the front man.I must signify out at the like time that historical treatments of an former(a)wisewise(prenominal) planetary tendencys begin iso previous(a)d them in exactly the same way. In a word, nothing resembling a comprehensive theory of these trans bailiwick movements exists, possibly in pull up stakes because there are so m whatsoever of them and they are so heterogeneous. For example, Samuel P. Huntington’s treatment of â€Å"Trans theme nerves in World au thorities” (1973) includes n ace of the makeups discussed in the present essay and lists an â€Å" towering” organization like the Catholic church on with profit-oriented corporations and a pair of all important(p) polar state of war institutions.His list reads as follows: Anaconda, Intelsat, track Manhattan, the Agency for supranational Development, the J. Walter Thompson advertising agency, im lift off France, the Strategic Air Command, Unilever, the Ford Foundation, the Catholic Church, the CIA, and the World Bank. The purpose of his essay is to poll what he calls â€Å"a foreign organisational revolution in world politics. ” See â€Å"Transnational Organizations in World Politics,” World Politics 25 (1973): 333-368. Toward a theory of Olympic supra chauvinisticicicism interpretation has been to worsen and confuse the debate intimately values by cr support goting (or afflicting) the Movement with an overdraw picture of its uniquene ss as a vessel of reconciliation (or harm). The evidence presented under suggests that a equation of the Olympic movement with contemporary and analogous worldwide movements reveals a pith repertory of demeanors and preferences that are greens to them all.The comparative procedure presented here divides the history of these â€Å" rarefiedistic world-wideisms” into three tips that are roughly separated by the First and succor World Wars, honorive(prenominal)ly. The establishment of the Olympic movement in 1894 coincided with the sharply accelerated defining of a broad range of international organizations during the know decades of the nineteenth vitamin C. Between 1855 and 1914, their boilersuit numbers increased from a mere handful to around cc, and the numbers collect grown exp atomic number 53ntially since the turn-of-the-century period. The comparative study of international organizations and the â€Å"movements” they launch remains developing to a striking degree, and this is so even in the facial expression of important guinea pigs of international exercise. Thus, eyepatch Olympic historiography is rather well established, one historian has referred to the world of international erudition as a â€Å" for the most part unexplored domain. ” On a broader scale, as other historian recently noted, â€Å"the pull of internationality has merited scarcely a glance. ”6 Accounting for such lacunae in the writing of history is in itself an provoke, and much diffi frenzy. istoriographical problem. It may be less difficult, however, in the gaffe of movements that gull created both core congregations of loyal adherents and benevolent self- stunt mans that in some cases piss exercised a virtually world(prenominal) reach for most of a century. The Olympic (1894), reconnoitring (1908), and Esperanto (1887) movements, for example, have all benefitted from auspicious myths of origin rooted in reverential attit udes toward the personal qualities of their respective founding fathers and the salvational tenets they created. angiotensin-converting enzyme conduct of such cults of personality is a â€Å" halo effect” that smoke confer on such movements a degree of franchise to hypercritical examination. As one of the a couple of(prenominal) serious historians of scouting has pointed out: â€Å" reconnoitre has for so long been a acquainted(predicate) and well-loved part of the Western world that it appears constantly to have been with us, less a unreal creation than a natural, indigenous activity of our civilization. ” The consequences of according such iconic status to heathenishly constructed institutions have been profound. In the case of scout, â€Å"it is startling that so few have seriously considered what it all meant.Such electrical resistance from critical scrutiny has left findering much or less entirely in the 5. Elizabeth Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of world(prenominal) Science, 1880-1939,” in Tore Frangsmyr, ed. Solomons House Revisited: The Organization and Institutionalization of Science (Canton, MA; Science History Publications, U. S. A. , 1990): 259-260. For evidence for the proliferation of international organizations during the ordinal century, see the Year harbor of planetary Organizations (Brussels: Union of international connectednesss, 1974). 6. Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of world-wide Science,” 265; Leila J.Rupp, â€Å"Constructing internationalism; The sheath of Transnational Womens organizations, 1888-1945,” American Historical limited fall over ( declination 1994): 1571. 3 daybook of Sport History, Vol. 22, zero(prenominal) 1 (Spring 1995) hands of its own historians and publicists, a situation that is not easeful in laborious to agnize the origins and meaning of any movement. ”7 These words are on the exactlyton descriptive of the Olympic movement, as well, the whole deviation macrocosm that Olympic historiography has unquestionable (over the past 25 years) a degree of acquainted(predicate)ity the history of Scouting has not.This supreme branch of Olympic historiography is necessarily ground on profound or inquiring activity that produces interpretations of the Olympic movement that do not always coincide with those of the IOC and its adherents in the press and in academia. And it is here that analyzing the Movement ordain often be see as â€Å" criticism. ” Today, a times after Wildor Hollmann’s heretical (and prophetic) remark active the future of Olympic sport, criticism of the global Olympic charge is still exposed of offending the dignity of its most powerful members.The landmark event in this regard was the publication in 1992 of The Lords of the peal, an expose of the IOC’s inner circle by the inquiring journalists Vyvian Simson and An draw Jennings. Translated into 13 phraseologys, the hold up be came a global media event that traumatized the IOC leadership and, in particular, its President, Juan Antonio Samaranch, who stood charge of govern moral opportunism and fascist allegiances both during the Franc period and after the Generalissimo’s death in 1975. The publication of Jaume Boix and Arcadio Espada’s book El deporte del poder.Vida y milagro de Juan Antonio Samaranch, containing basically the same material on Samaranch’s governmental accent, had gone virtually unmarked by the world press only a year earlier. 8 The reaction from IOC headquarters to the atmosphere of scandal created by The Lords of the Rings deserves a study in itself. On 17 February 1994 the IOC and President Samaranch filed a criminal action in a Lausanne hail against the authors scarcely not against their more powerful major publishers (Simon & Schuster, Bertelsman, Flammarion). The indictment (Investigation No. : CH. 32. 92) charged libel under expression 174 and de famation under article 173 of the Swiss Penal Code. The tone of the document can be conveyed by quoting from its text: â€Å"The plaintiff, the transnational Olympic direction (IOC) is an international nongovernmental organization, constituted as a nonlucrative association. It has the status of a person . . . . The pass of the accused constitutes a lampoon directed against the plaintiffs, against the management of the IOC and its prescribeds and against the demeanour of the originator and of some of their co-contracting parties.To a large extent, the formulated criticisms constitute a rove to the honour of the IOC, its professorship and its 7. Michael Rosenthal. The role milling machinery: Baden-Powell’s son Scouts and the Imperatives of Empire (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986): 1, 12. 8. Vyv Simson and Andrew Jennings, The Lords of the Rings: authority, Money and Drugs in the Modern Olympics (capital of the United Kingdom: Simon & Schuster, 1992); Jaime Boix and Arcadio Espada, El deporte de poder. Vida y milagro de Juan Antonio Samaranch [The Sport of Power. The Life and Miracle of Juan Antonio Samaranch] (= Hombres de hoy, Vol 30) (Madrid: Ediciones temas de hoy, 1991).For a very useful summary of this (still untranslated) playscript see the review by Arnd Kruger in The International journal of Sports History 10 (August 1993): 291-293. The author of this essay wishes to point out that he has not read El deporte del poder. 4 Toward a Theory of Olympic internationality members . . . The IOC is described as a secret and clandestine organization. similar to the maffia . . . The IOC, its professorship and its members are depicted as depraved and disgusting persons. ” In December 1994. fter hearing testimony from President Samaranch himself, the motor hotel sentenced the authors in absentia to a five-day susp cease jailhouse sentence and the payment of $2,000 in court costs (which remains unpaid). The explicit credit rating in t he indictment to violated â€Å"honour,” and the chastisement of article 173 to provide for any sound judgement of the truth or falsity of the assert â€Å"defamation,” are a poignant monitoring device of the nineteenth-century origins of the IOC and the role that downcast psyches about honor have played in shape the value system and governmental behavior of the Olympic movement (see below). The furor created by this undocumented work of investigative journalism raised interest questions for Olympic research. and the most important of these topics may well be the relationship between sports journalism and sports cognizance. 10 As Arnd Kruger points out in his review of El deporte del poder: â€Å"Good investigative coverage often beats much of what historians can offer in terms of graphic information and anecdotal material not so readily available in archival research. To this I would add that, in addition to useful anecdotal embellishments, these journalist ic treatments of the insurance-making career of IOC president Samaranch offer the historian an probability to string out the cloth for doing Olympic history in the accusation of the comparative method described above. Indeed, Kruger himself points to the bigger importance of such journalism: â€Å"This book ends many myths about the IOC and its current president” by excavating his governmental past and heave questions about how a person’s political formation may affect his conduct as 9.The carelessness (or dishonesty) with which the IOC drew up the indictment is evident in one instance in particular. Its list of alleged inaccuracies committed by the authors falsely accuses them of making an unflattering remark about the IOC that is clformer(a) attri only whened in The Lords of the Rings (p. 211) to William Simon, former(prenominal) president of the United States Olympic Committee, former Secretary of the Treasury, and on account of his prominence, an supposed (prenominal) target of IOC retaliation.The author of this essay wishes to point out that in November 1994 he sent a letter to the judge trying this care in Lausanne defending the authors’ dear to publish The Lords of the Rings. 10. John J. MacAloon has written disapprovingly of what he regards as the degeneration of sports scholarship into a musical style resembling sports journalism. He refers, for example, to â€Å"the ill-fitting interpretive alikenessâ€at least in the U. K. , where collectivized analysis is one sort of cultural common virtuosoâ€of much sports journalism and popular commentary on the one side, and sports sociology, stripped of its faculty member apparatus and pretenses, on the other. See â€Å"The ethnographic Imperative in Comperative Olympic Research. ” Sociology of Sport daybook, 9 (1992): 110. Or, â€Å"Treated like diaryists, sport scholars are tempted to act like them. ” See â€Å"The Turn of Two Centuries: Sport and the Politics of Intercultural Relations,” in Fernand Landry, Marc Landry, and Magdeleine Yerles, eds. Sport . . . The third millenium [Proceedings of the lnternational Symposium, Quebec City, Canada, may 21-25, 1990] (Sante-Foy: Les Presses de l’Universite Laval. 1991): 36.MacAloon‘s second point, regarding the believably consequences of the IOC’s unwillingness to share more information with Olympic researchers. is particularly insightful. He offers this remark in the context of lean that sports leaders should not â€Å"deny themselves the professional expertise of scholars. ” By contrast. the author of this essay regards the secretiveness of the IOC as essential to its trading operations as an â€Å"offshore” international dust sheltering important individuals whose various operations would not stand up to press scrutiny.I would withal point out that in uncomplete of his essays does MacAloon criticize the many journalists who function as de facto publicists for the IOC. At a conversation on Olympic issues held in Lausanne in April 1994. IOC music director General Francois Carrard expressed the view that there are â€Å"some ten to fifteen” journalists in the world who actually understand Olympic issues. See â€Å"Proceedings of the Colloquy on the Themes of the Olympic Centennial sex act Held in the Olympic Museum, Ouchy, Lausanne on 8th, 9th and tenth April 1994” (unpublished document). Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) the leader of a powerful international organization that is to be counted among those â€Å" international forms, none of them transcendent, innocent, or neutral in political history,”11 which include the IOC. My point here is that the more we know about the fictile history of an Olympic politician, the better the chances of decision comparable designs and patterns of behavior in other international organizations.In this instinct, a book like The Lords of the Rings, while unsuitable as scholarly source material, has already served Olympic historiography by drawing attention to a triplet of interrelated and neglected topics: first, the sheer autonomy and freedom from surveillance enjoyed by many luxuriously-ranking international functionaries inside and out of doors the IOC; second, how the upper echelons of international organizations provide political and financial opportunity and sanctuary to significant numbers of sight who have com cipher ford themselves in various ways back in their national communities; and third, the long history of extreme right-wing personalities and attitudes within the IOC. As Simson and Jennings post it: â€Å"The Samaranch who went to the IOC in 1966 would have found himself at ease among the many other members from supercilious or undemocratic backgrounds. ”12 One purpose of this essay is to account for this pertinacity between the IOC of the fascist period in europium and the compa rable elites to be found at the top of international sports federations today. This ideologic continuity is not simply a result of the procedures by which the IOC or any of the other federations choose their members.On the contrary, the selfperpetuating process which renews the rank of the IOC has been make even more economical by the way it and comparable organizations have served as â€Å"offshore” enterprise zones for right-wing personalities and various amoral opportunists since the political col cash in ones chips of fascism in 1945. 1. The Early Internationalist Period both study of the â€Å" soaring” international movements of the fin de siecle period must acknowledge their various(a) marks as well as process the values and behaviors that make them cohere as a distinct category of thematically interrelated organizations that sometimes attracted overlapping clienteles.Their homogeneity and heterogeneity as a class of well-disposed phenomena conk out yet agnizeer if we expand the scope of our survey beyond the foursome primary movements to be examined here, namely, the Red expose (1863), the Esperanto movement (1887), the Olympic movement (1894). and the Scouting movement (1908). It is of complete importance, for example, that all of these movements were ideologicly distinct from Marxist internationalism. Indeed, this is one way to account for the fact that all of them at long last bookd the national socialists in various ways. The First International (or International Working Men’s Association) was founded by Marx in 1864, outlawed in France and Germany, and effectively dissolved in 1872. scorn its 11. MacAloon, â€Å"The Ethnographic Imperative in Comperative Olympic Research,” 126. 12. Simson and Jennings, The Lords of the Rings, 111. 6Toward a Theory of Olympic internationalism political insignificance, as James Joll notes, â€Å"it had arouse all Europe to the possibilities of international workings cl ass action . . . . And so, on the eve of its extinction, the International was endowed with a fabled power it had lacked in its lifetime, and acquired a largely spurious impost of heroic international revolutionary action. ” The Second International (1889-l914), which collapsed when the European proletariat deserted international solidarity for national chauvinism and military service at the outbreak of the smashing War, actually active some of the ideas and rhetorical devices characteristic of the â€Å" businessperson” internationalisms of the epoch.That these superficial resemblances were outweighed by the ideological obstacle is evident in the fact that its ideological descendants would lastly stage an la-di-da series of Workers Olympiads (1921-1937) that the left Workers Sports International take uped were more genuinely international than the â€Å"bourgeois” Olympic Games. The internationalism of the late nineteenth century could in addition take the form of an tasty oecumenicism. Like the Olympic movement, Wagnerism was an international movement originating in an established cultural moderate (music) that developed both a distinctive ideology, composed of a cultural refresh and a platform for cultural renewal, and an international clientele. The golden age of Wagnerian internationalism commenced in 1872, when the master moved to Bayreuth, and ended with his death in 1883. Olympism and Wagnerism both served up ersatz unearthly experiences to people disillusion with European â€Å"progress” and positivist thinking. on that point was a pervasive need for an stirred piety that was less vulnerable than Orthodox religious observance to the dessicating effects of change, scientific progress. and senior high schooler biblical criticism. ”13 During the last decades of the nineteenth century there appeared a variety of internationalisms that could satisfy such postulate. and the Wagner cult that dish out wes t to America and east to Russia was one of them. To be sure, Wagnerism was German in a way the Olympic movement could not be, although the 1936 Berlin Olympiad, judged as an aesthetic production, was a prominent triumph of the Olympic â€Å"Germanizers” that typeset its permanent mark on Olympic ritual. 4 Yet even the Germanness of Wagnerism took the form of a universalistic doctrine that anticipate the Olympic movement and its redemptive flush across national boundaries. For in identifying the Germans as the most â€Å"universal” of peoples, Wagner was proclaiming Germany’s commission to the world. This sort of ethnocentric cosmopolitanism, as we shall see in the following(a) section of this essay, finally served as a transitional world view to expedite the process by which Germany overcame the afraid(predicate) inhibitions deriving from its own cultural insecurities and appropriated Olympic internationalism on German terms. 13. David C. bounteous and William Weber, â€Å"Introduction”; David C. Large, â€Å"Wagners Bayreuth Disciples,” in David C.Large and William Weber, eds. Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics (Ithaca and capital of the United Kingdom: Cornell University Press, 1984): 18. 14. doubting Thomas Alkemeyer, â€Å"Gewalt und Opfer im Ritual der Olympischen Spiele 1936,” in Gunter Gebauer, ed. Korper und Einbildungskraft: Inszenierungen des Helden im Sport (Berlin: break awaytrich Reimer Verlag, 1988): 44-79. 7 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Wagner’s foreign champs were thus able to enjoy his musical productions as supranational experiences. In addition, as Gerald D. Turbow has pointed out, the Wagner devotee was participating in the general international ferment of the epoch whether he knew it or not.Thus one cut enthusiast, â€Å"writing suddenly after the Geneva Treaty on War [1864], the establishment of the Red cover up [1863], and the organization of the First International [1864], found the principle of world unity and peace in Wagner’s operas. In characteristic utopian terms he kept up(p) that just as Wagner had eliminated the barriers that existed between set numbers in the formal operas and just as the old boundaries between cities were vanishing, so now would they disappear between countries as well. ”15 It is even more interesting to learn that Coubertin experienced his own Wagnerian epiphany. In his Olympic Memoirs (193l), Coubertin reports that a visit to Bayreuth, and the â€Å"passionate strains” of Wagner’s music, assisted him in seeing the â€Å"Olympic horizons” before his brain’s eye. 6 The existence of a Wagnerian internationalism demonstrates that sealed international projects of this period were not negations of nationalism but rather cultural projections of nationalist impulses employing cosmopolitan vocabularies rooted in ethnocentric ideas of national grandeur. 17 A variety of internationalist initiatives, including the Olympic movement, both included and clothed nationalist and even cultic themes which could be presented as cosmopolitan projects within the European context. root in racialistic European mythologies, such wonderful cosmopolitanisms did not anticipate, to take only one example, the multiracial agenda of the modern Olympic movement.Olympism, Wagnerism, and the Salzburg [music] festival (1920-) are three such cosmopolitanisms rooted in cultic reappropriations of the European past. Their respective ideological sources are the myth of antediluvian Hellas, Germanic mythology, and a myth of Austria’s baroque cultural heritage, and there is evidence which suggests they once constituted a unity festival metagenre in the minds of some observers. Thus, in 1918, an Austrian cultural critic wrote that the Salzburg Festival was the first â€Å"total aesthetic realization (Durchbildung) of the festival character” since the revival of the 15. Gerald D. Turbow, â€Å"graphics and Politics: Wagnerism in France,” in Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics, 153. 16.Pierre de Coubertin, Memoires olympiques (Lausanne: Bureau international de pedagogie sportive, 1931): 64. It is in addition interesting to note that Jules Ferry, an earlyish prime minister of the french third base Republic, was both a supporter of Coubertin and an admirer of Wagner. See Turbow, â€Å"AR and Politics: Wagnerism in France,” 143, 146. 17. Cosmopolitanism and internationalism have been (properly) defined as different specimens. Marcel Mauss, writing in 1919-1920, regarded these terms as opposed ideas. â€Å"internationality worthy of the name is the contrary of cosmopolitanism. It does not deny the nation, it situates it. Internation is the opposite of a-nation.Thus it is also the opposite of nationalism, which isolates the nation. ” Mauss defines cosmopolitanism as a doctrine which tends toward à ¢â‚¬Å"the desolation of nations, to the creation of a moral rank (morale) in which they would no longer be the sovereign authorities, creators of the law, nor the supreme ends worthy of future sacrifices to a superior cause, named humanity itself. ” Mauss derides this ideal as â€Å"an etheral theory of the monadic human world who is everywhere identical. ” See Marcel Mauss, â€Å"Nation, national, internationalisme,” in Oeuvres, 3 (Paris: Editions de minuit, 1969). 8 Toward a Theory of Olympic internationalism Olympic Games. 8 What is more, historians of both Wagnerism and the Salzburg Festival have shown how these cultural productionsâ€in effect, flag-waving(a) cultsâ€were successfully marketed to international audiences. â€Å"The tact and success of the pan-European Salzburg propaganda came from the fact that this nationalist program could be expressed as a cosmopolitan ideal that in turn would seem like vestal internationalism to the side of me at and the French. ”19 The Olympic movement, too, has derived much of its international prestige from just this sort of veeration, whereby an essentially national breathing in has been perceived as Enlightenment cosmopolitanism. In all three caseâ€Olympism, Wagnerism, and Salzburgâ€the â€Å"European idea” proved to be a politically viable packaging for nationalistic content.As we will see in the next section, both German â€Å"universalism” and the â€Å"European idea” served to reconcile the ideological needs of European rightwingers to the requirements of Olympic internationalism. 20 Certain international movements of this period can be seen as gendered. embodying a kind of manlike or a fe virile solidarity and an ideology to express this gendered orientation. The Olympic and Scouting movements began as internationalisms that exclaim related conceptions of the ideal potent. an orientation that had political consequences during the fascist peri od (see below). Even though both eventually preoccupied female participants, gender integration occurred in a male-dominated context that ascribed limited capacities to female participants.A countervailing example of gender-segregated internationalism was the organizing of women on a transnational stand, which began in 1888 with the founding of the International Council of Women in Washington. D. C. â€Å"Both by assuming fundamental gender differences and by advocating separatist organizing, women in transnational organizations drew boundaries that separated men from women. ”21 This autonomous policy of sequestration makes female internationalism especially interesting to the comparativist as a â€Å"control aggroup” internationalism vis-a-vis other groups scarcely because its leaders claimed to be building upon a distinct and more pacific type of human nature than that possessed by their male counterparts.In review, however, the comparison between â€Å"maleâ € and â€Å"female” international organizations is interesting precisely because it reveals more similarities than differences, confirming my operating thesis that there is a core repertory of behaviors and attitudes that characterize the important groups that appear during this comical period of internationalist ferment. This repertory includes a rhetoric of universal social status, a 18. Michael P. Steinberg, The means of the Salzburg Festival: Austria as Theater and Ideology, 18901938 (Ithaca and capital of the United Kingdom: Cornell University Press, 1990): 60. 19. Large, â€Å"Wagner’s Bayreuth Disciples,95: Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival, 69. The festival program revealed on every level a convergence of explicitly cosmopolitan and pan-European ideals with a Bavarian-Austrianâ€that is, a baroque-nationalism. ” See Steinberg, 23. 20. I have adapted this paragraph from John M. Hoberman, â€Å"Olympic oecumenicism and the Aparthei d Issue. ” in Fernand Landry, Marc Landry, and Magdeleine Yerles eds. Sport. . . The third millenium [Proceedings of the International Symposium, Quebec City, Canada, whitethorn 21-25, 1990] (Sainte-Foy: Les Presses de l’Universite Laval, 1991): 531. 21. Rupp, â€Å"Constructing internationalism,” 1582. 9 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Eurocentric orientation that limits universal participation, an insistence on political neutrality, the empowering role of wealth, social prominence and down(p) affiliations. professed interest in peacemaking or pacificism, a complex and problematic relationship between national and international loyalties, the emergence of a (marginalized) â€Å"citizen-of-the-world”-style radical supranationalism, and the use of visual symbols such as flags and anthems. One talent also say that all of these movements offered to their members a philosophical system of creative international action amounting to a way of life for those possessing the necessary lettering and financial independence to pursue it. The libber International appears to have differed from its male counterparts in not producing a conspicuous hagiographical tradition honoring its â€Å"founding mothers. More importantly, an only female membership and its doctrine of biogendered pacifism (â€Å"All wars are men’s wars”) precluded their adopting (as the Olympic and Scouting movements did) the ideology of chivalry as the basis for establishing an idealized transnational identity. As we will see in the next section, the establishment of a transnational male identity based upon â€Å"chivalric” ideals played an important role in shaping relations between the â€Å"male” internationalisms and national socialist Germany. In addition to share a set of core behaviors and attitudes, the idealistic internationalisms were bound together by personal ties between groups and by individuals with tie s to more than one group.For example, damptrich Quanz has demonstrated Coubertin’s close ties to the European peace movement of the fin de siecle and the prewar Nobel cessation Prize Laureates (1901-1913): â€Å"Coubertin must have noticed this fashion model for international toffee-nosed oganizations. He had had contact with almost one-half of the Nobel Peace Prize winners, some of whom were his friends. He listed five of them as honorary members of the entry copulation of the IOC in 1894. ” 22 Among Coubertin’s Nobel Peace Prize contacts was the Austrian disarmer Alfred Hermann Fried, who published an Esperanto text edition for German-speakers in 1903. 23 Coubertin was also co- go bad in 1910 (with the Nobel Prizewinning [1908] physicist Gabriel Lippmann) of the Ligue d’Education National. he forerunner of the French boy Scouts,24 while Lord BadenPowell, the founder of the Scouting movement, promoted the British ideology of sportsmanship absorb ed by Coubertin. 25 The peaceableically disposed(p) German educator Friedrich Wilhelm Forster (1869-1966) called Baden22. Dietrich R. Quanz. â€Å"Formatting Power of the IOC: Founding the Birth of a New Peace Movement. ” Citius. Altius. Fortius, 3 (Winter 1995): 12. See also Dietrich R. Quanz, â€Å"Die Grundung des IOC im Horizont von burgerlichem Pazifismus und Internationalismus,” in Gunter Gebauer, ed. Die Aktualitat der Sportphilosophie (St. Augustin: Academia Verlag, 1993), 191-216: â€Å"Civic Pacifism and Sports-Based Internationalism: Framework for the Founding of the International Olympic Committee,” Olympika.The International Journal of Olympic Studies, 2 (1993): 1-23. 23. Ulrich Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache: Die Verfolgung der Esperantisten unter Hitler und Stalin (Gerlingen: Bleicher Verlag, 1988): 41. 24. Arnd Kruger, â€Å"Neo-Olypismus zwischen Nationalismus und internationalismus,” in Horst Ueberhorst, ed. Gescichte der Leibesubung, 3/ 1 (Berlin: Bartels und Wernitz, 1980): 524. 25. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 10, 31. 10 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Powell’s Scouting for Boys (1908) â€Å"the best pedagogical book to have appeared in decades. ”26 Like Coubertin, the German chemist Wilhelm Ostwald (Nobel Prize 1909) had binary ties to internationalist projects.At first a supporter of Esperanto, Ostwald changed his allegiance to Esperanto’s chief competitor, the hokey language Ido, in 1908. He also worked toward founding an international chemical institute. 27 In a more face vein. Ostwald served as President of the International Committee of Monism, a philosophy based on the universal authority of science that aimed at propagating â€Å"a rational ethics. ” In Monism as the polish of Civilization (1913), Ostwald held out the possibleness of â€Å"a completely neutral and to a fault easily acquired auxiliary language” as â€Å"an indescribable blessingâ⠂¬Â for mankind. pointing to â€Å"the rapidly change magnitude international arrangements and relations” and the â€Å"irresistible feed toward the international organization of human affairs. 28 All three of the early international women’s organizations weighed the possibility of adopting Esperanto as a means of facilitating communication. 29 The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) sent a delegation to the Esperanto Congress held in Dresden in 1907. 30 The first chairman of the London Esperanto Club, Felix Moscheles, was President of the International Arbitration and Peace Association and a major phone number in the pacifist movement. 31 These and other interrelationships confirm the thesis that such groups fit to a genre of international organizations, both unified and variegated, that deserves to be studied in a comparative manner. As the swell early promoter of international sport, â€Å"the Esperanto of the aces” (Jean Giraudoux), Couber tin occupies a central position within this cast of internationally minded idealists. All of the idealistic internationalisms of this period appealed to deep feelings among Europeans that were rooted in anxieties about war and peace. As inhabitants of a political universe that has effectively banished the remembrance of socialist internationalism prior to the tierce (Communist) International, we would do well to recall its tallness as the preeminent antiwar movement of its period (1889-1914). â€Å"For at least fifty years,” as James Joll has noted, â€Å"international Socialism was one of the great intellectual forces in Europe . . . while no state of mattersman or political thinker could avoid victorious it into account. The urgency of the feelings shared by Socialist and non-Socialist internationalists alike was evident at the urgency congress of the Socialist International, held in Basle in November 1913, as fear of war spread throughout 26. Karl Seidelmann, Die P fadfinder in der deutschen Jugendgeschichte (Hannover: Hermann Schroedel Velag, 1977): 28-29. 27. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 42; Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science,” 264, it is worth noting that Crawford calls Ostwald â€Å"the most ubiquitous of scientists” (264). 28. Wilhelm Ostwald, Monism as the Goal of Civilization (Hamburg: The International Committee of Monism, 1913): 10, 6, 25. 29. Rupp, â€Å"Constructing Internationalism,” 1578. 30. puppet G. Forster, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1982): 170. 31. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 28. 11Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) Europe. Sobered into a state of somber meditation that permitted the relaxation of ideological discipline, the delegates heard the great French leader Jean Jaures sound a religious note, while the next day the oldtimer Swiss Socialist Greulich, â€Å"when finally closing the proceedings, not only referred to Bach’ s B Minor Mass but even, though with an apologetic ‘Don’t be alarmed’, quoted from the Roman Catholic liturgy to express the socialist forecast: ‘Exspecto resurrectionem mortuorum et vitam venturam saeculis’. ”32 The ideological components that separated Socialists from non-Socialists (and, ater, Socialists from Communists) have had a profound impact on the entire phenomenon of European internationalism during this century. The sports and Esperanto movements eventually split along ideological lines into socialist and â€Å"bourgeois” factions, while Baden-Powell’s bourgeois-nationalist Boy Scout organization was subjected to harsh criticism just after the extensive War by his onetime successor-apparent, John Hargrave, a militant proponent of â€Å"World fellowship” who could not stomach the imperialist segment of Baden-Powell’s doctrine. That Baden-Powell rejected the charge as â€Å"Bolshevism” only conf irms the importance of the division between the anti-imperialist, non-establishmentarian internationalisms and their bourgeois-nationalist counterparts. 3 In the case of the Esperantists, however, this ideological divide was mostly illusory, cod to the fact that the artificial language movement appealed to the marginal and the underprivileged from its very beginnings in eastern Poland and Russia in the late mid-eighties and 1890s. This affinity between the fraternal idealism of the Esperantists and the ethical program of the revolutionary left field was recognized by the early psychoanalytic writer J. C. Flugel, who was himself an Esperantist. â€Å"The Esperanto movement,” he wrote in 1925, â€Å"with its quasi-religious enthusiasm and its attempt to break down the barriers between nations and races, inevitably disputes comparison with certain other movements of a universalizing tendency. It has, of course, certain features in common with Socialism and Communism.These also are international and pacifist in character, and aim at fostering a flavour of comradeship among fellow-members; but they differ from the Esperanto movement in two important regard: (a) In the essential economic basis of their programme; (b) In that the revolutionary and irregular tendencies†based ultimately on displacements of father-hatredâ€are very much more prominent. In the Esperanto movement these latter tendencies are covert rather than explicit . . . .”34 This important distinction between explicit and understand â€Å"insurgent tendencies” was the most important difference between the revolutionary and his typological opposite, the linguistic human-centered whose modernised idealism was channeled into more typic forms of re32. James Joll, The Second lnternational 1889-1914 (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974): 1, 158, 159. 33. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 245-247. 34. J. C.Flugel, â€Å" about Unconscious Factors i n the International Language Movement With Special germ to Esperanto,” International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 6 (1925): 12 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism sistance to political repression and national chauvinism. Despite its nonrevolutionary status, Flugel proverb his analysis of the artificial language movement as a contribution to â€Å"the psychological science of progressive social movements” in a wider sense. A study of the â€Å"unconscious mental mechanisms with which psycho-analysis has made us familiar” could thus illuminate â€Å"the wider psychological problems presented by language and by inferential social movements in general. Such comments make it clear that Flugel was smart enough to understand that â€Å"rational” policies might well derive in part from nonrational impulses. Thus he did not hesitate to identify the altruism and desirableness of his fellow Esperantrists with sexual wishes and potentially grandiose ideas about undoing the havoc molded in the Biblical story of the pillar of Babel. 35 Still, it is apparent that Flugel saw internationalism as a single genre of activity that was inherently â€Å"progressive” disdain its psychoanalytic complications, and it is likely that he associated its â€Å"constructive” potential with the Enlightenment tradition of rational problemsolving and cosmopolitan understanding.The problem with this portrait of the Esperantists is that it is bowdlerize (or simply uninformed) and thus historically imprecise in important respects. By 1925. there was plenty of evidence to suggest that the Esperanto movement was not uniformly â€Å"progressive ” in a political sense; it would appear, however, that Flugel over give ear these facts on account of his deep respect both for the founding father of the movement and for many of his fellow enthusiasts. The founder of Esperanto, Ludwig leper Zamenhof (18591917), was a Jew born in Bialystok, Pola nd, who was convince that only an artificial and universally ascendable language could heal the ethnic encounter that plagued this area. (At the age of 10, Zamenhof wrote a five-act tragedy, set in Bialystok, based on the Tower of Babel story. In the years that followed his publication of the first Esperanto textbook in 1887, adherents of the movement deemphasized Zamenhofs Jewish origins in base formal club to minimize anti-Semitic electrical resistance to their proselytizing efforts. More surprising in retrospect is the fact that the Dreyfus Affair (1895) the great political litmus test of fin-de-siecle French political life, polarized the French Esperantists, demonstrating that linguistic internationalism just did not guarantee a â€Å"progressive” political orientation. The â€Å"Declaration on the shopping mall of Esperanto” that was adoptive at the first Congress of Esperantists held at Boulogne-surmer in 1905 was a clear declaration of political neutrali ty that did not even mention world peace.Indeed, the Universal Esperanto Association (UEA) was not established until 1908, by which time the define of Zamenhofs quasi-religious doctrine of universal brotherhood was already in decline. 36 To some extent this gap between the founders’ ideals and a more unimaginative orientation emphasizing commerce and science reflected a difference in out35. Flugel, â€Å"Some Unconscious Factors,” 171-172, 208, 187, 190. 36. Lins, Die gefahrliche Sprache, 29, 31, 26. 13 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) look between Western Europe (especially France) and easterly Europe and Russia. where political repression and a high proportion of Jewish Esperantists had preserved the early idealism.The larger lesson, however, is that even early on linguistic internationalism showed signs of the defensive political neutralism and resulting fissiparous tendencies that compromised its independence and opened windows of opportuni ty for political activists on the Left and the set during the 1920s and 1930s. That even as thinking(a) an observer as Flugel did not understand the ideological instability of the Esperantists points to some of our own acquired habits of thought regarding the effectiveness of internationalist ideals and the transnational groups that attempt to implement them. The traditional (though now eroding) assumption that idealistic internationalisms can transform the modern world has been profoundly shaped by our image of the Enlightenment cosmopolitanism that dates from the late eighteenth century. The League of Nations, the United Nations, the wide empires of modern science and sport, nd unnumbered international arrangements of equal or lesser scope all trace their blood (or an important part of it) to a period that has taken on the aura of a Golden Age. It has been more than two snow years since the American Philosophical nightspot proclaimed (in 1778) that â€Å"Nations truly civ ilized (however deplorably at variance on other accounts) will never wage war with the Arts and Sciences and the common Interests of Humanity,”37 but the charm (and the pathos) of such a declaration, and its promise of a Sacred Truce between the nations, affect us still. By the end of the nineteenth century, this ideal was most understandably expressed in what Elisabeth Crawford has called the â€Å"universe of international science. ” â€Å"Because science was universal and constituted a common language. she notes, â€Å"international scientific organizations, it was felt, could become models for international associations generally and even help usher in world government. ”38 This idealized image of cosmopolitan networking in the service of progress has been the standard against which internationalist projects have been judged for the last century. What is more, this fantasy of a transnational scientific enterprise pure by national self-interests has created unnaturalistic expectations in relation to all of the idealistic internationalisms, conspicuously including the Olympic movement. If we are interested in establishing the potential of the idealistic internationalisms, then the value of the comparative method lies in establishing realistic parameters of action (and even imagination) over the long term.If we ask, for example, whether the Olympic movement has done what it should have been able to do in fulfillment of its professed aims, what we are really asking is whether it has performed on a par with analogous organizations in comparable historical conditions. While no two of these organizations have had identical resources at their disposal, even the (necessarily 37. Thomas J. Schlereth, The Cosmopolitan exemplar in Enlightenment Thought (South change state: The Notre Dame University Press, 1977): 45. 38. Crawford, â€Å"The Universe of International Science,” 254. 14 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism abbreviat ed) survey presented in this essay can, I believe, identify that â€Å"core repertory of attitudes and behaviors” that makes comparison worthwhile.Perhaps the most general of these factors is the contest between nationalist and internationalist motives and loyalties (in differing proportions) within the minds of those who led or followed. If Coubertin came to â€Å"the conviction that patriotism and internationalism were not only not incompatible, but required one another,” then this was one (entirely reasonable) response to a problem that could be solved in various ways. 39 In the case of Baden-Powell’s movement, â€Å"the exultation of national greatness,” as Michael Rosenthal points out, â€Å"becomes a problem for the Scouts . . . when the insistence on British national superiority clashes with the equality of all people that is so much a part of Scouting, and more particularly within the movement’s worldwide ambitions that rapidly developed. 40 This potential for intrapsychic conflict affected the Esperantists, as well, even if Zamenhof had personally persistent the inherent conflict between the competing identities of â€Å"human being” and â€Å"patriot” in favor of the former. Disagreements among the Esperantists regarding whether they should target on a national or supranational basis were another manifestation of this basic conflict between national and internationalist affiliations. How the individual member resolved this conflict was a question of political temperament, although it is also true that the range of choices depended to some extent on the movement to which one belonged.The Esperanto movement, for example, tolerated radical, â€Å"citizen-of-the-world”-style supranationalism in a way that the Scouting and Olympic movements did not. A comparative look at their founders can help us understand wherefore. The movements of Lord Robert Baden-Powell (1857-1941) and Pierre de Couberti n are strikingly similar in some(prenominal) respects. Both movements proclaimed early on their universal, apolitical, nonracial and nonmilitary nature: while neither founder was a pacifistâ€Baden-Powell was an acclaimed professional soldierâ€both claimed to serve the cause of peace: while they claimed to be classless movements, both were also think as strategies to deal with domestic social instability and class conflict. Both founders were acclaimed as â€Å"educators” and mobilizers of youth.Both shared the racialistic ideas of their time, although Baden-Powell made openly racial statements in a way that Coubertin did not. 41 Both put a high priority on appearing politically neutral, and both understood the importance of creating a rhetoric and a public image that â€Å"transcended” politics. When recruiting the Comite Jules Simon, as John J. MacAloon points out, â€Å"Coubertin reproduced the now familiar claim that ‘we have recruited adherents of a ll parties, our work is in effect sheltered from all political quarrels. ’ In fact, the ‘shelter,’ such as it was, owed to drawing all of the members from the ‘parties of order’ and 39. MacAloon, This Great Symbol, 112. 40. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 176. 41. Rosenthal, The Character Factory, 40-43, 181, 254-267.On Coubertins racial thinking see Hoberman, â€Å"Olympic Universalism and the Apartheid Issue,” 524-525. 15 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) skewing their ‘neutrality’ toward the right. ”42 Baden-Powell pursued the same strategy, and the Esperantists too did their best to establish a bipartisan profile. 43 (Among the late-nineteenth-century movements, the Red Cross had pioneered the policy of overbearing neutrality in the 1860s. ) It is clear, then, that the claim (or pretense) to political neutrality, a policy that would both empower and constrain these movements throughout the twenti eth century, was regarded by most non-Socialist internationalists as an absolute requirement for effective action.What distinguished the Scouting and Olympic movements in quite another sense from the Esperantists and the Red Cross was their rocking horse of aristocratic affiliations or royal patronage, itself an important ideological signature of movements that were bent on achieving a reconciliation of the social classes. By contrast, Zamenhof saw Esperanto as an instrument of the oppressed, and Flugel later offered an interesting explanation as to why â€Å"the international language movement has enjoyed relatively little support from the more aristocratic and educated classes. ”44 The mononational Red Cross, which until 1923 recruited its membership exclusively from the cream of the Genevan professional bourgeoisie, did not need aristocratic sponsorship. 45 Coubertin, on the other hand, had to create his own establishment.In 1908, European gentry made up 68 percent of the membership of the IOC, a figure which declined to 41 percent by 1924. 46 In Britain, Baden-Powellâ€a socially prominent hero of the Boer War-had access to a unequivocally celebrated caste of royals. â€Å"The Royal family and the English government have shown a great interest in scouting since its inception,” one observer wrote in 1948. â€Å"The King became the suspensor of the British Boy Scouts, the Prince of Wales became Chief Scout for Wales and Princess Mary the president of the Girl Guides. ” At the first Jamboree held in London in 1920, Prince Gustav Adolph of Sweden was made honorary president of the International Boy 42.MacAloon, This Great Symbol, 105. 43. The official Soviet view of Scouting in the West challenged its claim to political neutrality: â€Å"Scouting seeks to train the younger generation in a tincture of truth to the ideals of bourgeois society. Although professing to be independent with any political party, scout organizations do i n fact have intelligibly expressed political, militaristic, and religious tendencies they strive to control the younger generation from participating in the struggle for revolutionary and democratic change and to isolate young people from the influence of materialism and communism. Scouting advocates the idea of class peace in a capitalist state. . .The Komsomol [youth organization] consistently struggled against the scout movement. The second, third, and fourth Komsomol congresses (1918-20) adopted resolutions calling for the dissolution of scout groups and worked out a program for the creation of a new, communist type of children’s organization. ” Here, as in other areas of popular polish like sport and the arts, Communists faced the challenge of repackaging attractive â€Å"bourgeois” activities in amity with Marxist-Leninist ideological requirements. See the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Vol. 23 (New York: Macmillan, 1979): 253. 44. Flugel, â€Å"Some Unco ncious Factors,” 200; see also 175, 176, 201. 5. Jean-Claude Favel, Warum schwieg das rote Kreuz? Eine internationale Organisation und das Dritte Reich (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1994): 25-26. 46. M. Blodorn and W. Nigmann, â€Å"Zur Ehre underes Vaterlandes und zum Ruhme des Sports,” in M. Blodorn, ed. Sport und Olympische Spiele (Rheinbek bei hamburg: Rowohlt, 1984): 42. See also Kruger, â€Å"Neo-Olympismus zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus,” 529, 551. 16 Toward a Theory of Olympic Internationalism Scout Committee. 47 Appearances notwithstanding, the recruitment of these reputable sponsors did not point to politically reactionary intentions on the part of the recruiters.In fact, Coubertin used his affiliations with the nobility to advance the cause of sportive internationalism against the resistance of stubborn nationalists. 48 Today, however, the IOC’s interest in recruiting royals appears to be less pragmatic than a response t o the prestige-seeking needs of its current President. 2. Olympic Internationalism in the Age of Fascism Olympic internationalism during the Nazi period remains poorly understood, in part because the number of English-language commentaries remains limited. 49 My purpose in this section is to break from the traditional emphasis on the 1936 Berlin Olympiad, which has been astray misunderstood as an isolated lapse on the part of the IOC, in order to place it in the larger politicalhistorical context where it belongs.We now know that Coubertin saw the â€Å"Nazi Olympics” as the culmination of his life’s work, and it is important to understand why he believed this and why in a sense he was right in doing so. For the Olympic movement during this period is best understood as a rightwing internationalism that was effectively coopted by the Nazis and their French and German sympathizers during the 1930s. This cooptation was made possible in part by an ideological compatibil ity between the IOC elite and the Nazis based on a shared ideal of aristocratic manhood and the value system that derived from their glorification of the physically perfect male as the ideal human being. It is important for us to understand this IOC-Nazi collaboration if only because, contrary to what many have doubtlessly 47.Saul Scheidlinger, â€Å"A Comparative Study of the Boy Scout Movement in antithetic National and Social Groups,” American sociological Review , 13 (1948): 740, 741. 48. Kruger, â€Å"Neo-Olympismus zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus,” 549. 49. The traditional approach to the Olympic histoy of this period is to focus on the 1936 Berlin Olympiad as an exceptional event in the history of the movement. See, especially, Richard Mandell, The Nazi Olympics (New York: Macmillan, 1971; Arnd Kruger. Die olympischen Spiele 1936 und die Weltmeinung (Berlin, Munich, Frankfurt/M. : Verlag Bartels & Wernitz KG, 1972): Duff Hart-Davis, Hitlers G ames: The 1936 Olympics (New York: Harper and Row, 1986).The infixed sources for understanding the relationship between the IOC and the Nazis are Hans-Joachim Teichler, â€Å"Coubertin und das Dritte Retch,” Sportwissenschaft, 12 (1982): 18-53; Allen Guttmann, The Games Must Go On: Avery Brundage and the Olympic Movement (New York, Columbia University Press, 1984): and W. J. Murray, â€Å"France, Coubertin and the Nazi Olympics: The Response,” Olympika: The International Journal of Olympic Studies, 1 (1992): 4669. See also John Hoberman, The Olympic Crisis: Sport, Politics, and the Moral Order (New Rochelle, N. Y: Aristide D. Caratzas, Publisher, 1986). More recent publications on the Olympic movement during the interwar period include Stephen R. Wenn, â€Å"A Suitable Policy of Neutrality?FDR and the interrogative of American Participation in the 1936 Olympics,” International Journal of the History of Sport , 8 (1991): 319-335; Bill Murray, â€Å"Berlin in 1 936: Old and New Work on the Nazi Olympics. ” International Journal of the History of Sport, 9 (1992): 29-49: Martin Polley, â€Å"Olympic Diplomacy: The British Government and the project 1940 Olympic Games,” lnternational Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 169-187: William J. Baker, â€Å"Muscular Marxism and the Chicago lister-Olympics of 1932,” International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 397-410; Per Olof Holmang, â€Å"International Sports Organizations 1919-25 Sweden and the German Question. ” International Journal of the History of Sport 9 (1992): 455-466; and Junko Tahara. â€Å"Count Michimasa Soyeshima and the Cancellation of the XII Olympiad in Tokyo: A Footnote to Olympic History,” lnternational Journal of the History of Sport, 9 (1992) 467-472. On the workers sport movement, see Jonathan F. Wagner, â€Å"Prague’s Socialist Olympics of 1934,” Canadian Journal of the History of Sport, 12 (1992): 1-18. 17 Journal of Sport History, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1995) assumed, it was not interrupted by the collapse of the Nazi empire in 1945. The postwar de-Nazification of tainted European organizations, limited as it was, did not extend to the IOC, which continued to accommodate its Nazi members and their sympathizers in the old spirit of collegiality.The third section of this essay will examine how this ideological affinity group managed to preserve its traditional viewpoint (and the careers of some important adherents) well into the postwar era, and how its immunity to liberalhumanitarian influence remains a model for the IOC today. At this point, however, some historical background is required. The following narrative can be introduced by a so-called trivia question, to wit: Who was Jules Rimet, the man for whom the World cupful of soccer is named? I found the resolving power to this question in the April 1933 issue of the Deutsch-Franzosische Rundschau, one of several journals devoted to FrancoGerman cultural permute and mutual understanding during the period between the world wars.On 18 March of that decisive year, the French national soccer police squad arrived in Berlin led by Jules Rimet, president of both the French Soccer Association and the international federation (FIFA). Waiting to hail the French delegation were the chairman of the German Soccer Association (DFB), representatives of numerous other sports federations, and the press. In a word, this occasion was a political and media event. The game between the French and German teams, played before 45,000 German spectators under a sparkling overflow sky, somehow ended in a tie. Rimet himself observed that the German team had controlled the ball for three-quarters of the game, and the Parisian sports paper L’ machine said the Germans had, in effect, lost a game they should have won.At the traditional counterpane after the ga\r\n'